Death to the Islamic republic

Death to the Islamic republic

The dramatic events in Tehran and other major cities following the June 12 presidential election in Iran are clear manifestations of the anger and frustration of the majority of Iranians with political Islam, writes Yassamine Mather

The election campaign of the four presidential candidates was largely ignored by the majority of the population until early June, when a series of televised debates triggered street demonstrations and public meetings. Ironically it was Mahmood Ahmadinejad’s fear of losing that prompted him to make allegations of endemic corruption against some of the leading figures of the religious state, including former president Ali Akbar Rafsanjani and Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri, former interior minister and adviser to supreme leader ayatollah Khamenei.

In doing so he crossed one of the red lines of the Islamic regime. Once that was done, the floodgates were open. The language used by all three of his opponents - Moussavi, Karroubi and Rezaii - became more colourful. As Ahmadinejad continued to rail against 20 years of corruption and political and economic interference by the “economic mafia” associated with important figures, including Rafsanjani (currently chairman of the ‘assembly of experts’ charged with electing the supreme leader), his opponents wasted no time in using equally strong language to condemn his own presidency, pointing out the worsening economic situation, mass unemployment and 25% inflation, as well as Iran’s “embarrassing international profile”.

In response to these accusations, Ahmadinejad’s election campaign made some historic claims. Apparently he is the man who brought Islam to Venezuela and Latin America! He has secured a written apology from Blair (prompting a denial by the foreign office). And he is the only president who is so feared by the US that it has been forced to drop regime-change plans for Iran. At times Iranians must have thought their president and his supporters lived in a parallel universe.
In just 10 days the two opposed factions between them managed to expose every unflattering aspect of the 30-year-old Islamic regime. No-one in opposition could have done a better job - no-one else had such in-depth knowledge of the levels of corruption and incompetence prevalent among the inner circles of power.

It was unprecedented for the authorities, including Ahmadinejad’s government, to tolerate the various election gatherings and slogans. But the eyes of the world were now on Iran and the regime put on a show: Bassij militia and Islamic guards turned a blind eye to women who failed to adhere to Islamic dress code for the duration of the campaign. Comrades and relatives inside Iran were telling us the atmosphere was like the pre-revolution days of 1979. Political discussions were held at every street corner, political songs of the late 70s became fashionable amongst a generation born long after the February uprising.

Those who had advocated a boycott of the elections were constantly reminded that it was the mass boycott of the 2005 presidential elections that had allowed Ahmadinejad to come to power. Consequently many life-long opponents of the regime reluctantly decided to vote, if only to stop the re-election of the incumbent. On polling day the regime’s unelected leaders basked in the euphoria of a large turnout, yet they were already facing a dilemma: how to keep control in the post-election era.

If Mir-Hossein Moussavi did become president, those who voted for him would expect serious change and the supreme leader was well aware that neither he nor the new president would be able to meet expectations. That is why he and the senior religious figures around him decided to do what most dictators do: rig the elections and declare Ahmadinejad the winner. Nothing new in such measures; but the supreme leader and his inner circle made two major miscalculations: they underestimated the anger and frustration of the majority of the population; and they failed to realise that the high turnout could only mean a massive ‘no’ to Ahmadinejad and, by proxy, to the entire Islamic order.

Added to this was the sheer incompetence of the vote-rigging. In previous presidential elections, the vote had been announced province by province. This time the results came in blocks of millions of votes. Throughout the night the percentage of votes going to all four candidates changed very little. It seemed obvious that the interior ministry was playing with the figures to make sure the overall percentages remained constant.

Early on Saturday morning, the supreme leader congratulated Ahmadinejad, which was seen as official endorsement of the results. But by Sunday afternoon, under the pressure of impromptu demonstrations, he was forced to reverse this decision, and called on the council of guardians to investigate the other candidates’ complaints. By the afternoon of Monday June 15, with a massive show of force by the opposition - over a million demonstrators on the streets - he was instructing the council of guardians to call for a recount. By Tuesday there was talk of new elections.

Had our supreme leader studied the fate of that other Iranian dictator, the shah, he would have known that at a time of great upheavals, as in 1979, once the dictator hesitates and dithers he loses momentum, and the thousands on the street become more confident.

The slogans and militancy of demonstrators in Tehran and other Iranian cities is today the driving force in Iran - and not only for the supreme leader and his entourage. These slogans also dictate the actions of the so-called ‘official opposition’. The meek, scared Moussavi, whose initial response to the vote-rigging was to seek a reversal of the results by the “centres of Shia religious guidance”, suddenly gained courage and appeared at Monday’s protests. After promising that he would protect people’s votes, he could not ignore the tens of thousands who on Saturday and Sunday were shouting, “Moussavi, return my vote”, “What have you done with our vote?” and even one of the students’ slogans, “Death to those who compromise”.

There can be no doubt that Ahmadinejad’s press conference and victory rally on Sunday played a crucial role in increasing the size of the anti-government demonstrations on Monday and Tuesday. As riots were taking place all over the capital, the reference to Iran as a “very stable country” reminded many of the shah’s claims that Iran was an island of tranquillity, less than a year before he was overthrown. In response to a reporter’s question about protests in Tehran, the president referred to his opponents as “dust and tiny thorns”. A comment that he will regret forever, as the huge crowds on Monday and Tuesday kept taunting him.

Demonstrators in Tehran are also shouting slogans adapted from those of 1979, often prompted by leftists and students: “Tanks, guns, Bassij are not effective any more”, “Death to the dictator”, “Death to this regime that brings nothing but death”. Clearly the supreme leader’s standard response of bussing in supporters from the countryside to put up a well-orchestrated show of force (as they did for Sunday’s and Tuesday’s pro-Ahmadinejad rallies) does not work any more. Sunday’s event failed miserably, with reporters claiming that many of those arriving by bus could only speak Arabic. By Tuesday some of Ahmadinejad’s non-Iranian supporters arrived at the rally with yellow Hezbollah flags. As Mr Ahmadinejad has no supporters amongst Sunni Arabs in the Khouzestan province of Iran, if these reports are correct one could guess that participants at the state-organised rallies included the thousands of Shias invited in June every year from Iraq, Lebanon and Pakistan to participate in the events commemorating the anniversary of the death of Khomeini.

It is difficult to predict what will happen in the next few days. However, one can be certain that nothing will be the same again. No-one will forget the fact that both factions crossed many ‘red lines’, exposing each other’s corruption, deceit and failure. No-one will forget the obvious vote-rigging that makes a mockery of ‘Islamic democracy’ - when Moussavi called it a “charade” he was only echoing the sentiments of the masses.

On Tuesday another presidential contender, Mehdi Karroubi, said: “This week ‘the republic’ was taken out of the Islamic regime”. No-one will forget that the immediate response of the regime to peaceful protests was to arrest, beat up and shoot opponents. No-one will forget that at least seven people have been killed in these protests.

There is little doubt that Moussavi /Karoubi/Khatami and Mohsen Rezaii will look for compromises and will ultimately sell out. However, these protests have gained such momentum that already in Tehran people compare the plight of Moussavi (if he does become president) with that of Shapour Bakhtiar - the last prime minister appointed by the shah, whose government lasted a few short weeks before the revolution overthrew the entire regime.

However, before the British left gets too excited and starts sending its blueprints for revolution to Iran, let us be clear about some facts: working class organisation remains very weak during this crucial period; most of the Iranian left is as confused and divided as it was in 1979, but now, of course, it is much smaller. Repression against labour activists and leftist students is harsher than ever.

Yet students’ and workers’ organisations have been very active in the anti-government demonstrations and they have managed to change some of the slogans of the protests, turning anti-Ahmadinejad slogans into slogans challenging the entire Islamic ‘order’. There was talk of a one-day general strike. However the organisations discussing this decided to try to improve the left’s intervention in current events before contemplating such ambitious calls. We should not expect miracles, but one can see that unlike the Iranian exile left (some of whom have benefited from the largesse of organisations offering regime-change funds, while others have tailed rightwing-controlled international trade unions) the left inside Iran has been conscious of the revolutionary potential of this period and, given its relative weakness, is doing what it can to make an independent, principled, but systematic intervention. That is precisely why the authorities’ attacks on university campuses, where the left is strongest, have been so severe; and why we must do all in our power to support comrades in Iran.

When it comes to predicting Iranian politics, no one can claim to have a crystal ball. However, it is reassuring to see that the unique position Hands Off the People of Iran took - against imperialism, against the threat of war and for the overthrow of Iran’s Islamic regime - has been vindicated by the events of the last two weeks. Imagine what would have happened if during the last year we had witnessed a military strike by Israel against Iran’s nuclear industry, or various US plans for regime change from above had materialised. Political Islam in Iran and the region would have been the undisputed winner of such a scenario. We were right to argue that positive change can only happen from below and from inside Iran and we will continue to maintain this position.

At the same time, these events have exposed the ignorance of groups such as the Socialist Workers Party, whose leaders kept informing us about the virtues of Islamic democracy in Iran. We have seen the selection of candidates by an unrepresentative nominated council of guardians; the role of the supreme leader in inventing the results of an election; and the brutal repression of legal and official opponents. If that is what the regime can do to its own, one can imagine the kind of treatment reserved for its opponents.

But even under the threat of beatings and executions, an overwhelming majority of the Iranian people have shown that they do not believe SWP-type apologia. No-one in their right mind should ever make such claims again. Hopi’s judgement was correct and we did not compromise our principles; that is why, now that the Iranian working class is in need of international solidarity more than ever, we are in a good position to help deliver it.

Iran Khodro Workers strike against the repression

First news of workers strikes in protest at the current situation
Iran Khodro car (car plant ) workers have issued a statement : they condemn the repression and say what we are witnessing is an insult to peoples intelligence . Both shifts are on strike.

HOPI demo and meeting Saturday 20 June Dublin

Hands off the People of Iran’ calls for solidarity with the masses in their struggle for liberation! No illusions in Moussavi!
No to imperialist intervention!

Demonstrate Saturday
20th June at 1.00pm - All Welcome
Outside the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
72 Mount Merrion Avenue, Blackrock, Dublin

Demo followed by meeting at 3.30pm
Seomra Spraoi, 10 Belvedere Court,
off Gardiner Street


Join us in showing solidarity with the masses in Iran who have taken to the streets in outrage against the rigged elections. This is a revolt against a deeply repressive state. The situation is Iranian is on a knife-edge. Hopi supporters are in daily contact with Iran. We are pushing for maximum solidarity from the working class movement here in Ireland to progressive forces in Iran. The upsurge against theocratic rule should not derailed by reformists from within the Iranian regime itself. Moussavi was himself a demagogue during his 8 years in power. He is not a solution but a danger to the struggle for mass democracy.

Contact Anne on 086 2343 238 or at Anne@hopoi.org

Support the protests in Iran!

Hands off the People of Iran statement. Contact Anne on 086 23 43 238 or at
Annegmcshane@eircom.net

June 14 2009

Support for the mass protests against Ahmadinejad’s re-election! But we
should have no illusions that Massouvi would have been any better.

Yassamine Mather, chair of Hands Off the People of Iran, assesses the highly
fluid situation in Iran:

It is no surprise that the highly contested results of the presidential
elections in Iran have sparked unrest in Tehran and other cities across
Iran. The level of cheating on display seems crazy even by the standards of
Iran's Islamic Republic regime. Clearly, the results are the final proof
that confirms that the whole electoral process is deeply undemocratic and
rigged from top to bottom:

* Ahmadinejad was declared winner by the official media even before
some polling stations had closed
* His final result was almost identical to what the (rigged) polls
predicted all the way through the elections. This percentage did not ever
vary by more than three percent
* Hundreds of candidates were barred from standing in the first place,
especially those of the left

The main ‘reformist’ candidate Mir-Hossain Moussavi has declared the
elections a “charade” and claimed Iran was moving towards tyranny. Thousands
of protesters (not all of them backers of Moussavi) have taken to the
streets to demonstrate against the re-election of Ahmadinejad.

Of course, Hopi condemns the arrest of over 900 demonstrators and 100leading ‘reformists’, most of the latter ones supporters and collaborators of Moussavi.

But we should not forget that Moussavi does not consider the nine previous
presidential elections in Iran's Islamic Republic – most of them with very
dubious results - a “charade”. In the 2009 election, he did not bat an
eyelid when the Council of Guardians disqualified over 400 candidates. He
did not think the process was a “charade” when the supreme religious leader
intervened time and time again to defend Ahmadinejad.

Even now, although he is furious about loosing the elections, he is not
calling on the Iranian people to support him. Instead, he is addressing the
'Religious centres of Guidance' (elite shia Ayatollahs) to denounce the
result. He is no fan of democracy and mass movements. Like his predecessor
Mohammad Khatami, Moussavi is well aware that the survival of the 'Islamic
order' is in his interests. That is why, even when he is clearly a victim of
the supreme leader's lunacy, he cannot rock the boat.

After all, irrespective of the illusions of their supporters, Moussavi and
the other reformist candidate, Mehdi Karroubi, are no radical opponents of
the regime. For eight years, Moussavi served as prime minister of the
Islamic republic - during some of the darkest days of this regime. He was
deeply involved in the arms-for-hostages deals with the Reagan
administration in the1980s, what came to be known as ‘Irangate’. He also
played a prominent role in the brutal wave of repression in the 1980s that
killed a generation of Iranian leftists. During this period, thousands of
socialists and communists were jailed, with many of them executed while in
prison.

Moussavi has attempted to refashion himself as a 'conservative reformer' or
a 'reformist conservative' by expressing his allegiance to the supreme
leader and by claiming to have initiated Iran’s nuclear programme, which he
promised to continue. He also criticised the release of British navy
personal in 2007 as “a humiliating surrender”. Defending his government's
anti-Western credentials, Ahmadinejad claimed that “prime minister Tony
Blair had sent a letter to apologise to Iran”. Within a few hours, the
foreign office in London issued a stern denial that such a letter was ever
sent. Moussavi tried to exploit this ‘weakness’.

But he clearly failed. The supreme leader could not tolerate his former
protégé Moussavi. Although his politics are almost indistinguishable from
those of Ahmadinejad, he was just a bit too ‘progressive’ on two points:

He promised to be more liberal over women’s dress code and said he would
expand women's rights –within the parameters proscribed by the religious
state, of course

He promised to use more diplomatic language and a more amenable attitude in
dealings with the West, especially the USA. Despite this diplomatic
‘packaging’, however, he remains committed to defending Iran's nuclear
program (including the right to enrich uranium)


These elections were a “charade” from the day they started. All four
candidates are supporters of the existing system. All support the existing
neo-liberal policies and privatisations. All four are in favour of Iran's
nuclear programme.

But we should not underestimate the anger of the Iranian population against
this blatant manipulation of the results. Iranians had to choose between the
lesser of two evils - and when the worst was declared winner, they showed
their contempt for the system by huge demonstrations culminating in the
massive protests of June 13 2009.

Until early June, most Iranians had shown little interest in these
elections, as they knew that neither candidate would lead to real change.
But it was the live TV debates that changed the apathy. The debates betweeen
Ahmadinejad - Moussavi and Ahmadinejad -Karroubi have been unique events in
the history of the official media of the Islamic Republic. The debates
confirmed what most Iranians know through their personal experiences – but
which they have not yet heard on the official media:

* Ahmadinejad stated that Iran had been ruled for 24 years (up to his
presidency) by a clique akin to an economic and political mafia. 'Elite'
clerics such as the reformers Rafsanjani and Khatami had “forgotten their
constituents” and were corrupt
* Moussavi stated that the economy has been in a terrible state,
particularly in the last four years

The situation in Iran is very fluid. Over 900 protesters and 100 'reformist'
leaders have been arrested, including the brother of former president
Khatami. Moussavi and his wife have gone underground. There are signs of the
beginning of an internal coup. Thirty years after the Iranian revolution, if
Iran's supreme leader believes he can suppress the opposition, he will be
making precisely the kind of mistake that led to the overthrow of the Shah's
regime in 1979. The foundations of the Islamic Republic regime are shaking.

The protests of June 13 were the largest demonstrations since 1979. After
the euphoria of the last two weeks, when Iranians participated in their
millions in demonstrations and political meetings, no state - however brutal
- will be able to control the situation. The events of the last few weeks
show that there is real hope that the Iranian people can get rid of this
regime - be it in the guise of Ahmadinejad or the no less undemocratic and
corrupt ‘reformists’.

In Iran The Reformists offer no alternative

In Iran The Reformists offer no alternative
by Darya Homan - Hands Off the People of Iran

Members and supporters of Hands Off the People of Iran will be leafleting a meeting organised by The Guardian Public Forum on the evening of Tuesday May 19 in the reading room of the British Museum. Amongst the speakers will be Ata’ollah Mohajerani, an adviser to ayatollah Mehdi Karroubi, who is one of the reformist candidates in the June 12 presidential elections in Iran; and Elaheh Rostami-Povey, a member of the Socialist Workers Party.

Ata’ollah Mohajerani was minister of culture and Islamic guidance in the first term of Mohammad Khatami’s presidency. During this so-called ‘reform era’, the Iranian government did not introduce freedom or democracy, as many of them claim. Iran remained an Islamic republic. Their reforms centred around subordinating the country to the stringent economic measures demanded by the International Monetary Fund. Privatisations and cutbacks in social services were the trademark of that government - an economic policy that is today being continued by president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and under which the Iranian working class is still suffering.

Mohajerani has written a famous critique of Salman Rushdie’s Satanic verses, which was seen at the time as the official Islamic Republic’s response to Rushdie. He defended Khomeini’s death sentence and declared the Rushdie affair to be part of a recurring western plot against Islam (though after Khomeini’s death he advocated negotiations with the EU regarding the fatwa).During this period of ‘liberalisation’, political writers such as Mohammad Jafar Pouyandeh and Mohammad Mokhatari were brutally murdered - their bodies were later found in Tehran’s suburbs. Following public and journalistic investigation inside and outside Iran, prosecutors announced in mid-1999 that a government official, Saeed Emami was responsible for the killings - a senior member of the security services who had supposedly led “rogue elements” in Iran’s intelligence ministry.

Mohajerani is married to Dr Jamileh Kadivar, who is also a reformist politician and was leader of the majles (Islamic parliament) during Khatami’s reign. Like Mohajerani, Kadivar supports Karroubi in the presidential elections. She was filmed with him last Saturday, as he officially registered his candidature (www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=91336§ionid=351020101). Clearly, Kadivar and Mohajerani are hoping for posts if Karroubi gets elected.Mohajerani himself had to withdraw from the presidential elections of 2005 because, in accordance with the Shia sigheh law, he kept a number of ‘temporary’ wives. Kadivar, who is celebrated by some (amongst them Elaheh Rostami-Povey) as a leading “Islamic feminist” of our time, continued to support him - and presumably sigheh, which enshrines women’s inequality.

In Hopi’s view, the reformist candidates offer no alternative to the hated regime of Ahmadinejad, be it Karroubi or Mir-Hossein Moussavi, the main challenger. They have continued the oppression of workers, women, students, LGBT and national minorities last time they were in office - and they will do so again. Socialists should certainly not sow any illusions that these candidates offer a qualitative break. Our brothers and sisters in Iran deserve more than shamefaced support for the ‘lesser evil’.We stand firmly on the side of the secular movements who are struggling against a multitude of enemies and obstacles, chiefly amongst them imperialism and its war drive against the country. The economic nightmare introduced by the Iranian reformists is made worse by the US government sanctions, which have recently been renewed by Barack Obama.

We want regime change - both in Iran and in the imperialist countries. But we know that change must come from below, from the struggles of the working class and social movements, if it is to lead to genuine liberation. We call on all anti-capitalist forces, progressive political groups and social organisations to join activists of the Iranian left in both opposing imperialism’s plans and organising practical solidarity with the growing movement against war and repression in Iran.

Iran- Statement Number 2 on attacks on May Day Celebrations

Iran- Statement Number 2 on attacks on May Day Celebrations

Workers and freedom loving people!

This is a follow up statement to the May Day Organizing Committee’s first report on the violent attack by police and intelligence forces at the May Day rally in Laleh Park, Tehran, May 1st, 2009, during which more than 150 workers and their families as well as activists of women’s and students’ movements were arrested. The updates for public information and appropriate actions, as of today, are as follows:

Four days after the May Day police crackdown, about 130 women and men are still incarcerated. They are detained in unacceptable conditions in section 204 of Tehran’s Evin Prison.

The families of these esteemed friends have been incessantly contacting the intelligence and judicial centres, including the Islamic Revolutionary Court on Moalem Street (Teacher Street). They have been threatened by security forces and never received a clear answer from the judicial authorities. The relatives of the arrested workers have been gatherings in unity outside the court protesting the arrest of their loved ones.

The authorities have told some family members of the detainees that they have issued heavy bails of 50 to 100 million toman (US$50,000 to $100,000) for the conditional release of most of the arrested activists; however, many of the arrested workers have demonstrated high Morale and demanding their unconditional release without any bail conditions.

The May Day Organizing Committee condemns these oppressive measures and brings to the attention of all freedom-loving people of the world the fact that all these beatings and assaults demonstrate the repressive disposition of the ruling capitalism in Iran; that’s why these people are imprisoned unjustifiably and their freedom is delayed inexcusably and their families are being penalized financially. Isn’t it the Iranian government’s security and intelligence apparatus that has to be accountable for all the financial and emotional costs of these inhumane actions?!

Workers, women, students and freedom-seeking people!

Support the families of the imprisoned activists who have been gathering everyday outside the Islamic Revolutionary Court protesting the cruel and inhumane actions of the police and judicial systems. Let’s join them in solidarity!

Workers and Workers’ organization of all countries around the world!

The Iranian capitalist sate has not only attacked the May Day event across Iran in recent days, they have also raided the meeting of the consumer cooperative of the Metal-Mechanics Workers in Nemat-Abad of Tehran and arrested a number of workers. As we all know, the celebration of May First and the declaration of workers’ demands are absolute and undeniable rights of the working class. We see ourselves in solidarity with workers of the world, and invite you all to disseminate these reports and take necessary measures to increase pressures for the unconditional freedom of all arrested activists at May Day rallies in Tehran and other parts of Iran.

1388 May Day Organizing CommitteeTehran, Iran, May 04, 2009 (Ordibehesht 14, 1388)

The May Day Organizing Committee:
- The Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Vahed Bus Company
- The Syndicate of Workers of Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Company
- The Free Union of Workers in Iran
- The Founding Committee of the Syndicate of Building 's Painters and Decoration's Workers
- The Center for Workers’ Rights in Iran
- The Collaborative Council of Labour Organizations and Activists
- The Coordinating Committee to Help Form Workers’ Organizations
- The Committee to Pursue the Establishment of Free Workers’ Organizations
- The Women’s Council.

Iran: Many workers beaten and arrested at May Day rallies!

Iran: Many workers beaten and arrested at May Day rallies!

The May Day rally and celebration in Tehran, which was organized by independent Iranian labour organizations in Laleh Park, opn May 1st, 2009 at 5 PM, was attacked by security and intelligence forces at around 5:30 PM and many have been beaten and arrested. The security forces did not allow more than two thousands people who had come to the park to join the event and arrested tens of activists and organizers and shut down the event before it actually started.

According to various reports, the arrested labour activists include: Ms. Maryam Mohseni, and Messrs Behrouz Khabaz, Jafar Azimzadeh,fayeq kayxosravi,Mansour Hayatqeybi,Maryam mohseni,Behzad Khabbaz,Gholamreza Khani,Fatemeh Shahnazari,Saeed Youzi,Mehdi Farahani shandiz,Laleh Mohammadi,Habib Sadeqi ,and Shahpour Ehsani-rad.

The intelligence forces brutally attacked the event’s participants including women and children, by baton and tear gas etc., and forced hundreds of people out of the park. At this time, 8 PM, the park is surrounded by hundreds of security forces and those arrested have been transferred to police stations in Tehran.

May Day rally in City of Sanandaj was also attacked by security forces and plain clothes officers and many were beaten and arrested.

Iranian police arrested five labor union activists taking part in May Day demonstrations on May 1 in the majority Kurdish city of Sanandaj in the northwest of the country.

Labor unions have called for demonstrations in Tehran, Sanandaj, Kermanshah and several other cities in Iran to protest lack of goverment action to address economic problems.

Ten union activist were arrested in the East of Iran in Sanandaj. Some of the comrades arrested are Sediq Karimi, Sharif Saedpanah, Majid Hamidi, Xalid Hosayni and Jyan Sobhani and were arrested for celebrating Mayday. In Tehran’s Laleh Park 70 comrades have been arrested and 30 arrested in Tabriz.

More updates will be issued soon.

You can help by sending messages demanding his release and the release of all political prisoners to the Iranian consulate whose details are below:

Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
72 Mount Merrion Ave.Blackrock Co.Dublin, Ireland
Phone: (003531) 2885881(003531) 2880252
Fax: (003531) 2834246
Email: IranianEmbassy@Ireland.